Wednesday, 14 January 2026

They’re Lying About Venezuela While Moving War Machinery Into Place
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IS THE US military–industrial complex at it again? 
 
We believe that it’s already heavily involved in stirring up trouble in Europe (via the Russia/Ukraine conflict) and the Middle East (via the Israel/Palestine conflict).  However, it now seems to have set its sights on South American – again.
 
For National Liberals, it doesn’t really matter if the Democrats or Republicans run the US.  They’re pretty much the same.  Capitalism rules the roost.  And to function, capitalism requires three elements – cheap labour, an ever-expanding market & raw materials. 
 
That’s where the US military–industrial complex comes into play.  It supplies the ‘muscle’ – in the form of imperialism – to satisfy capitalism.
 
(To be fair, we feel that Trump is probably one of the more honest presidents that the US has had.  Whilst others would ‘dress up’ US imperialism using fancy words, he is notoriously blunt.  Trump is a National Capitalist & everything is about making money.  War is a money-making scam.  The US military–industrial complex makes a small fortune supplying weapons to blow ‘troublesome’ sovereign nations to smithereens.  They make an even bigger fortune rebuilding what they’ve just destroyed.)
 
The UK – under both Tory & Labour rule – has an unenviable record of backing the US in its imperialist adventures.  Therefore, we wouldn’t be at all surprised if the UK gets involved in this latest South American adventure.
 
However, we’d warn against supporting such an adventure.  We’re opposed to imperialism, jingoism & petty nationalism.  And we certainly have no interest in resurrecting the ‘good old days’ of the British Empire.
 
The UK has more than enough social & economic problems without helping to destabilase other nations – in this case Venezuela – and then wondering why many of its displaced population ends up on our shores.
 
With the above in mind, we’d encourage everyone to read Caitlin Johnstone’s article (below) which first appeared on 31st August.  You can read the original here: https://caitlinjohnstone.com.au/2025/08/31/theyre-lying-about-venezuela-while-moving-war-machinery-into-place/
 
It goes without saying that there are no links between the National Liberal Party & the independent journalist Caitlin Johnstone.  However, and as we’ve previously noted, we do regard her as a ‘point of reference’ in that she has said things that we find of interest.  We particularly admire her independent spirit, non-conformist outlook & quirky style of writing.   
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AS IF WE didn’t have enough ugliness in the world right now, Trump has deployed warships (1) near Venezuela’s coast, prompting Caracas to ready drone and naval patrols for conflict.
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In an article titled Inside Trump’s gunboat diplomacy with Venezuela (2), Axios’ Marc Caputo writes that ‘The U.S. has never been closer to armed conflict with Venezuela, with a fully loaded U.S. flotilla sitting off its coast and dictator Nicolás Maduro living under a $50 million bounty.’
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‘President Trump ordered seven warships carrying 4,500 personnel — including three guided-missile destroyers and at least one attack submarine — to the waters off Venezuela,’ Caputo writes. ‘Officially, they’re there to combat drug trafficking. But Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt leaned into the ambiguity of the mission on Thursday, noting that the U.S. considers Maduro the ‘fugitive head of [a] drug cartel’ and not Venezuela’s legitimate president.’
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The US personnel reportedly include some 2,200 Marines.
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“This could be Noriega part 2,” an unnamed official in the Trump administration told Axios, saying that “Maduro should be shitting bricks.”
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So they’re not even disguising the fact that Trump is at least contemplating some kind of direct military strike on Caracas. Drugs are the official-official reason for the deployment, but the unofficial-official reason that’s being freely leaked to the press is to remove the leader of a sovereign state.
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It’s probably worth noting that Trump-aligned pundits like Alex Jones have been busy manufacturing consent for regime change intervention in Venezuela.
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“I don’t like any of these wars,” Jones said recently (3) on whatever his show is called now. “But if you look at US doctrine and wars that we fought that were right, it’s in Latin America, this is our sandbox. And Venezuela is a communist dictatorship with the biggest oil reserves per square foot in the world, their people are absolute slaves, and I don’t like regime change, but they’re manipulating our elections, they’re flooding us with Fentanyl, and if there were surgical strikes to take out the communists there would be an uprising and they could have elections, and it would be a good thing.”
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Jones could have stopped at “communist” and “oil reserves”. Venezuela has the largest proven oil reserves (4) of any country on the planet, and is not aligned with the capitalist western empire that is loosely centralized around Washington DC. Any reasons given for US regime change intervention beyond this should be read as excuses.
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Whenever the US war machine moves its crosshairs to a different target I always get people telling me “No no Caitlin, THIS time the Evil Bad Guy really DOES need to be regime changed! THIS time our government and media are telling us the TRUTH!” 
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And it’s always so stupid, because it’s just the same rehashed lies over and over again. The empire takes whatever actions will help it to dominate our planet and its resources to a greater extent than it already does, and then it makes up justifications for those actions.
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They’ll say they’re doing it for humanitarian reasons while ignoring the humanitarian abuses (4) of empire-aligned nations. They’ll say they’re doing it to stop drug abuse while ignoring (5) all the evidence (6) regarding the actual causes of drug abuse (7), even as Maduro sends 15.000 troops (8) to the Colombian border to help fight drug trafficking. They’ll say they’re doing it to stop interference in US affairs while letting US-aligned nations like Israel interfere in US politics (9) at will.
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They’re just lying. The US empire lies (10) about all its acts of war (11). Trump tried to orchestrate a regime change (12) in Venezuela the last time he was in office, and he’s doing it again for the exact same reasons. It’s an oil-rich nation that refuses to bow to the dictates of Washington, and all the worst warmongers in the imperial swamp are eagerly pushing to absorb it into the folds of the empire.
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That’s all we are looking at here, and anyone who says otherwise is lying.
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Thomas Sankara: A Point Of Reference For National Liberals

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“While revolutionaries as individuals can be murdered, you cannot kill ideas.”

  • Thomas Sankara
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Thomas Sankara (1949 – 1987) has variously been described as a revolutionary, a progressive nationalist, a Marxist, and a pan-Africanist. He was the former President of Burkina Faso (from 1983 until his assassination in 1987) and in that short period of time he promoted land redistribution, a move towards food self-sufficiency, health initiatives, women’s rights & environmental initiatives. We feel that he represents a worthy ‘Point of Reference’ for National Liberals.
Picture Credit: https://ordaf.org/somurgecilige-direnen-devrimci-burkina-fasonun-lideri-thomas-sankara/

IT’S PROBABLY fair to say that many of those who National Liberals regard as a ‘Point of Reference’ hail from many years ago.

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Here, we think of people like Hilaire Belloc (1870 – 1953), G. K. Chesterton (1874 – 14 June 1936), G. D. H. Cole (1889 – 1959), John Hargrave (1894 – 1982), Leslie Hoare-Belisha (1893–1957), Guiseppe Mazzini (1805-1872), Robert Owen (1771 – 1858) and William Morris (1834 – 1896).
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However, it would be a mistake to think that we’re only interested in those from centuries ago.  A more recent ‘Point of Reference’ is Thomas Sankara, once dubbed the ‘African Che Guevara.’
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Before we examine his life, it’s worthwhile restating how we define a ‘Point of Reference’.  By this we mean that they’ve said or done something that we find of great interest.
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It should also be noted that one doesn’t even have to agree with a ‘Point of Reference’ to find that what they say or do is of great interest.
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It’s important to look right across the political spectrum – including those who promote ideas we may totally disagree with – with a dispassionate eye & not react to how they label themselves.
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It’s also essential not to put anyone who is a ‘Point of Reference’ on a pedestal, so to speak.
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So who was Thomas Sankara – and why do we regard him as a Point of Reference?
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Thomas Sankara is remembered as one of Africa’s most visionary, principled, and charismatic leaders. As we noted earlier, the former President of Burkina Faso (from 1983 until his assassination in 1987) has been dubbed the ‘African Che Guevara.’  We’ve seen Sankara described variously as a revolutionary, a progressive nationalist, a Marxist, and a pan-Africanist.
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(We also believe that, in some respects, it’s fair to describe him as a National Liberal. His commitment to various forms of self-determination was very strong. Hopefully we’ll return to this theme sometime in the near future).
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To some extent, these political descriptions don’t really matter. What does is that – during his brief time in office – Sankara transformed the course of his country and inspired generations across the continent and beyond.
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EARLY LIFE, MILITARY CAREER & THE ROAD TO REVOLUTION
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Thomas Isidore Noël Sankara was born on December 21, 1949, in Yako, a town in colonial Upper Volta (now Burkina Faso). He was raised in a modest family—his father was a gendarme, and his mother managed the household.
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Sankara was the third of ten children, and his parents stressed the importance of education, discipline, and social justice. He excelled academically and attended a seminary, where he considered joining the priesthood before deciding on a military career.
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In 1966, he joined the military academy of Kadiogo, where he was introduced to politics and the works of anti-colonial revolutionaries. His training took him to Madagascar, where he witnessed major student uprisings and the fall of a government, events that profoundly shaped his worldview. Exposed to socialist philosophy, Sankara returned to Upper Volta with a deep sense of political purpose.
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By the late 1970s, Upper Volta was a country mired in poverty, corruption, and political instability. The nation gained independence from France in 1960, but it remained economically dependent and politically fragmented. The military frequently intervened in politics, and Sankara quickly rose through the ranks, earning a reputation for discipline, integrity, and intelligence.
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In 1981, he was appointed Secretary of State for Information in a new government. However, he soon resigned in protest over government repression of striking workers. He became Prime Minister in 1983 under President Jean-Baptiste Ouédraogo but was dismissed and placed under house arrest for his outspoken views and criticism of the government’s policies.
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It was during this period that Sankara’s popularity soared, especially among young people, students, workers, and the poor. On 4th August, 1983, with the support of fellow officers and the backing of leftist groups, Captain Thomas Sankara led a coup d’état that overthrew the government, establishing the National Council of the Revolution (CNR).
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DIGNITY, SELF-RELIANCE & JUSTICE
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Once in power, Sankara embarked on a radical transformation of the country. He renamed Upper Volta as ‘Burkina Faso,’ (meaning ‘Land of Upright People’ in the local Mossi and Dioula languages). This symbolic act marked the beginning of a new era, focused on dignity, self-reliance, and justice.
From the start, his government launched an ambitious program of economic, social, and cultural renewal. He aimed to break the chains of colonial dependence and eliminate corruption at all levels. Some of his most significant reforms included:
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  • Land Redistribution and Food Self-Sufficiency: Sankara confiscated land from feudal landlords and redistributed it to peasants, greatly increasing agricultural productivity. His Grow What You Eat and Eat What You Grow campaign led to a dramatic rise in food production. Indeed, Burkina Faso became nearly self-sufficient in staple foods by 1986.
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  • Vaccination and Health Initiatives: In one of the most successful public health campaigns in Africa, Sankara’s government vaccinated between two – three million children against meningitis, yellow fever, and measles in just a few weeks.
  • Women’s Rights: Sankara was a tireless advocate for gender equality. He outlawed forced marriages and female genital mutilation (FGM), promoted female education, appointed women to prominent government positions, and encouraged women to work outside the home and join the military. He famously declared, “The revolution and women’s liberation go together. We do not talk of women’s emancipation as an act of charity or out of a surge of human compassion. It is a basic necessity for the revolution to triumph.
  • Environmental Initiatives: Recognising the looming threat of desertification, Sankara launched a massive tree-planting programme, creating “green belts” to combat the desert and conserve the environment. (It’s thought that around ten million trees were planted during this initiative.)
  • Infrastructure and Public Works: The government built railways, schools, health clinics, and water reservoirs, largely through mass mobilisation and voluntary labour. It’s said that Sankara wanted to build a railroad to develop a rare-earth metal mine in Burkina Faso. However, the World Bank refused to loan the money. Therefore, he got a pick and shovel and started building the railroad by hand himself!
  • Anti-Corruption Measures: Sankara led by example, reducing his own salary, banning government limousines, and selling off the fleet of Mercedes cars for more modest Renault 5s. Civil servants were required to swear an oath of honesty, and government waste was drastically reduced. In particular, he curtailed the traditional powers of tribal chiefs, who were seen by many as corrupt. 
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All of the above measures would’ve attracted the unwelcome attention of the usual imperialist powers. To make things worse (for those imperialist powers, and ultimately Sankara himself) was Sankara’s staunch opposition to neo-colonialism and foreign domination.
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For instance, he rejected foreign aid that came with conditions, arguing that it fostered dependency. He called on African nations to refuse to pay their foreign debts, which he saw as a tool of exploitation.
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His bold stance earned him admiration from radical movements worldwide, though it also isolated Burkina Faso from Western powers and the conservative regimes of neighbouring countries.
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His simple lifestyle, fiery speeches, and unwavering commitment to justice made him an icon among the youth and marginalized of Africa. He played the guitar, cycled to work, and encouraged self-reliance at every level of society. His government was among the first to promote women’s rights, environmentalism, and anti-corruption as core state policies in Africa.
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ASSINATION & AFTERMATH
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On October 15, 1987, Thomas Sankara was assassinated during a coup led by his former friend and colleague, Blaise Compaoré. Many believe the coup was backed by foreign interests – we have no doubt that France, the US & UK would’ve been close to the action – threatened by Sankara’s uncompromising stance on debt and foreign meddling. After his death, many of his reforms were rolled back, and Compaoré ruled for nearly three decades.
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Despite his short time in power, Thomas Sankara’s legacy endures. He is revered by many across Africa and the world as a symbol of honesty, self-sacrifice, and revolutionary change. His speeches and policies continue to inspire activists fighting for social justice, pan-Africanism, and anti-imperialism.
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Festivals, documentaries, books, and even hip-hop music have kept his memory alive. Statues and murals honour his legacy in Burkina Faso and abroad. In recent years, the Burkinabé people (as the people of Burkina Faso are called) have sought justice for his assassination. In 2022, Blaise Compaoré and several others were convicted in absentia for their roles in Sankara’s murder.
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We believe that Thomas Sankara’s story is a testament to the transformative power of visionary leadership, selflessness, and courage. Though his time was brief, his ideals live on. With all this in mind, we feel that Thomas Sankara is indeed a worthy ‘Point of Reference’ for National Liberals.
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Stop Discriminating Against Cash Users At Self-Checkouts – Sign The Petition!

 

OUR ATTENTION has been drawn to an online petition which may be of interest to our readers.
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We believe that consumers must be able to choose what payment method they want to use.

The petition – Stop Discriminating Against Cash Users At Self-Checkouts– calls on UK supermarkets to stop limiting cash payments at self-checkouts, ensuring that all customers, such as the elderly and people with disabilities, have equal access to payment options.

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As National Liberals we believe that consumers must be able to choose what payment method they want to use.
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Therefore, we have absolutely no problem if someone wants to live their life paying by card.  However, we feel that consumers must always be allowed the option to pay by cash.
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We realise that many people believe that paying by card is quick & easy.  However, we remain wary of the intentions of large corporations who may use card payment schemes as an excuse to get rid of workers.
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We feel that these corporations have a moral & social responsibility to their customers, the local community & their workforce.
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The petition reads:
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We, the undersigned, are calling on UK supermarkets to stop limiting access to cash payments at self-checkouts.
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More and more stores are installing banks of card-only self-checkouts, with just one or two accepting cash – or none at all.
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This creates a two-tier system that unfairly penalises:

•  Older people who rely on cash 

•  People with disabilities or mental health conditions who need to budget manually

•  Those on Universal Credit or without full access to banking

•  Anyone who prefers cash for budgeting, privacy, or safety

 
Cash remains legal tender. Yet supermarkets are quietly making it harder – and slower – to use.
We are not against digital payments – we’re against having no choice. No one should be forced into a cashless system.
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We demand:
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•  That all self-checkout areas include a fair number of cash-accepting tills – not just one token machine
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•  Clear signage showing where people can pay with cash
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•  A commitment from supermarkets to protect freedom of payment for all customers
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•  Money is money. Inclusion matters. Choice matters.
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•  Sign this petition to stand up for equal access and payment rights – and to say no to cash discrimination.

•  You can sign the online petition here:  https://www.change.org/p/stop-discriminating-against-cash-users-at-self-checkouts

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Distributism: An Alternative Approach to Economic Justice
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Hilaire Belloc (left) and G.K. Chesterton (right) were the main advocates of the alternative economic idea known as distributism. They were opposed to capitalism – where property & assets are in the hands of a few – and socialism and communism – where property & assets are in the hands of the state (and party bosses). Distributism stands in favour of property and productive assets being in the hands of the many.
(Picture Credits: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hilaire_Belloc#/media/File:Hilaire_Belloc_(side_view,_1910).jpg & https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/G._K._Chesterton#/media/File:Gilbert_Chesterton.jpg Fair Use)

DISTRIBUTISM is an economic philosophy and doctrine. It advocates for a more widespread distribution of property and productive assets among individuals. It stands in opposition to capitalism – where property & assets are in the hands of a few – and socialism and communism – where property & assets are in the hands of the state (and party bosses).

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Distributism has its roots in Catholic social teaching.  It was developed primarily in the early twentieth century by thinkers such as G.K. Chesterton and Hilaire Belloc. Distributism offers a ‘third way’ between laissez-faire capitalism and state socialism. Its central aim is to create a society in which individuals and families are empowered to own and manage property, thereby fostering economic justice, personal freedom, and social stability.
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HISTORICAL ORIGINS
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Distributism arose as a response to the social and economic upheavals of the Industrial Revolution and the rise of both aggressive capitalism and collectivist socialism.
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These two dominant economies of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries had (in the eyes of Chesterton & Belloc) failed to address the needs of the vast majority of people. They believed that capitalism led to the accumulation of wealth and power in the hands of a small elite or corporations. Socialism, on the other hand, risked stifling individuality and personal responsibility through excessive state control.
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The philosophical foundation of distributism is found in Catholic encyclicals, particularly Pope Leo XIII’s Rerum Novarum (1891) and Pope Pius XI’s Quadragesimo Anno (1931). These documents emphasized the dignity of work, the rights and responsibilities of property ownership, and the perils of both unbridled capitalism and state-controlled economies.
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KEY THINKERS
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 As we noted earlier, distributism is normally associated with G.K. Chesterton and Hilaire Belloc.  So, who were they?
 
 
  • G.K. Chesterton (1874 – 1936) was an English writer and philosopher. He provided a passionate defence of distributism, arguing for the preservation of small property and the importance of family, community, and tradition.
 
  • Hilaire Belloc (1870 – 1953) was a prolific historian and essayist, Belloc critiqued both capitalist and socialist systems for their dehumanising effects, advocating instead for a society of owners rather than wage slaves.
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PRINCIPLES OF DISTRIBUTISM
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Distributism is characterised by several fundamental principles that distinguish it from other economic models:
 
  • Widespread Property Ownership. The core of distributist thought is that productive property (land, tools, businesses) should be owned by as many people as possible, rather than concentrated in the hands of a few or the state.
 
  • Support for Small Businesses and Cooperatives. Distributists oppose monopolies and oligopolies (a market structure where a few firms control prices and output). Instead, they support a vibrant economy made up of small businesses, family farms, and worker-owned cooperatives.
 
  • Family and Localism. The family is seen as the natural and fundamental unit of society. Policies and practices should support family stability and enable families to own property and earn a living.
 
  • Subsidiarity. Decisions should be made at the most local level possible. Here, communities are empowered – rather than distant authorities or centralised corporations.
 
  • Harmony with Nature. Distributism encourages stewardship of the environment and responsible land use, often aligning with agrarian or ecological principles.
 
  • Ethics in Economics. Economic actions are viewed through a moral lens. Here, the focus is on justice, human dignity, and the common good (as opposed to outright greed).
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DISTRIBUTISM IN PRACTICE
 
While distributism is primarily a philosophy, it has inspired practical movements and policies. Its influence can be seen in various cooperative and credit union movements, land reform initiatives, and localist economic strategies. Some concrete examples include:
 
  • Worker Cooperatives. Enterprises owned and managed by their employees, sharing profits and decision-making.
 
  • Credit Unions. Financial institutions owned by members, providing community-oriented financial services.
 
  • Community Land Trusts. Organizations that acquire and steward land for the benefit of local residents, ensuring affordable housing and local enterprise.
 
  • Smallholder Agriculture. Support for family farms and local food systems as opposed to industrial agribusiness.
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CONTRASTS WITH OTHER ECONOMIC SYSTEMS
 
Distributism is distinct from both capitalism and socialism:
 
  • Versus Capitalism. While capitalism values private property, in practice it tends to concentrate ownership and create wage dependency. Distributism seeks to decentralise ownership and encourage economic self-sufficiency.
 
  • Versus Socialism. Socialism often involves state ownership or control of productive assets. Distributism, by contrast, insists that property and productive assets should remain in private hands but be widely distributed.
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CRITICISMS
 
Distributism, like any other economic system, has its critics. Some argue that its vision of an economy dominated by smallholders and cooperatives is unrealistic in a modern, globalised world characterised by economies of scale and technological complexity.
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Others point out potential difficulties in preventing the re-concentration of wealth over time, as well as challenges in transitioning from existing economic structures to a distributist model.
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Nevertheless, supporters argue that distributism provides an alternative & persuasive way of addressing rising inequality, environmental degradation, and the erosion of community and family life.
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Distributistism reconsiders economic priorities and values in a novel way. It strongly emphases that economies exist to serve people – and not the other way around.
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LEGACY
 
While not widely adopted as an official economic policy, distributist ideas have experienced periodic revivals. Thos is particularly ao in times of social or economic crisis. The 2008 financial crisis and subsequent debates about inequality and corporate power brought renewed interest in distributist principles, especially among those seeking alternatives to both neoliberal capitalism and statist solutions.
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Contemporary advocates often emphasise the compatibility of distributism with movements for economic democracy, sustainability, and community resilience. In the United Kingdom, parts of Europe, and North America, distributist thought influences discussions around localism, cooperative economics, and ethical business practices.
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CONCLUSION
 
Distributism stands as a unique and morally grounded alternative to dominant capitalism & communism/socialism. It values broad property ownership, family and community life, subsidiarity, and ethics in economics. In doing so, it seeks to build a more just and resilient society. While it faces significant practical challenges, distributism’s vision remains relevant for those who seek to build an alternative economy.
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For Self-Determination & Peace!

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TWO DAYS AGO, Nations without States – NwS – held a very successful conference, in Slough, Berkshire.

 

Some of the speakers & delegates – representing different nations and peoples – at a recent ‘Self-Determination & Peace’ conference. Nations & peoples are rooted in positive aspects – such as ancestry, heritage and ethnicity. Therefore, self-determinists reject negative aspects, like colonialism, imperialism & forced migration (which are ultimately driven by capitalism) as well as all forms of hatred. True self-determinists are motivated by love & not hate.

The ‘Self-Determination & Peace’ conference was jointly organised with the New World Human Rights Watch & the Mustaqbill Foundation.

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The meeting included speakers & delegates representing different nations & peoples including Ahwazi Arabs (from Iran), England, Kashmiris, Sikhs, & Tamils.
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The meeting – which sought to promote the idea that self-determination is the only way to achieve peace – featured several speakers.
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One of the most well-known was Dr. Sockalingham ‘Yogi’ Yogaligam, who is the President of Movement for Self-Determination of Tamil Eelam (MSDTE) & a Committee Member of Nations without States.
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FUNDAMENTAL RIGHT TO SELF-DETERMINATION
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Speaking specifically about the plight of the Tamils (of North & East of Sri Lanka) Yogi noted that their ‘fundamental right to self-determination has been denied, suppressed, and violently resisted.’
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He continued by stressing that the ‘Tamil people of the island of Sri Lanka are a distinct nation.  We have our own language, our own homeland, our own historical consciousness.’
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All those who support the concept of self-determination will know that a common language, homeland & historical consciousness form the building blocks of any nation. 
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Nations & peoples are rooted in positive aspects – such as ancestry, heritage and ethnicity.  Therefore, self-determinists reject negative aspects, like colonialism, imperialism & forced migration (which are ultimately driven by capitalism) as well as all forms of hatred.
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Echoing this theme (and once again using the plight of the Tamils as an example) Yogi stated that peace ‘must be built on truth, accountability, and recognition.  Recognition of the Tamil nation.  Recognition of our right to decide our future.  Recognition that reconciliation cannot be built on denial.’
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TRUTH IS ON OUR SIDE
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He concluded by stressing that gaining self-determination can be a long and difficult journey.  However, ‘truth is on our side.  And truth, when pursued with determination and unity, cannot be extinguished’.
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As we’ve previously noted, Yogi’s speech specifically related to the Tamils & their quest for nationhood.  It’s something that all self-determinists can relate to.  To illustrate this, the ‘Self-Determination & Peace’ conference was held in Berkshire, England.  Yet England is the only ‘Home Nation’ that isn’t self-governing!  (Scotland, Ulster & Wales all have their own assembly or parliament. Westminster, whilst located in England, is not an English parliament but a UK one.)
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The meeting concluded by unanimously passing the following resolution:
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‘We the attendees of Self-Determinist (SD) Conference in Slough 15/06/25 agree that the greatest contribution to Peace right now in the world is the peaceful implementation of SD everywhere e.g. a referendum on Khalistan (in India) and a plebiscite in Kashmir as mandated by the UN.’
 
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Free from Brussels: Why Britain’s Working Class Must Forge Its Own Future

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THE National Liberal Party has a longstanding policy of reprinting articles that represent a diverse range of opinion that may be of interest to our readers.  Some articles we agree with, others we disagree with.  But all are thought provoking.
 
So why do we do this? 
 
Firstly, we’re building a safe space for honest, open & respectful debate.  Secondly – and very importantly – we’re creating a culture of trying to understand where others & their ideas are coming from.  As the old saying goes: ‘Before we conform, or condemn, let us at least be curious.’
 
This latest article – Free from Brussels: Why Britain’s Working Class Must Forge Its Own Future – appeared towards the end of last month.
 
It was written by Paul Knaggs (pictured below) who is the editor & founder of Labour Heartlands.  It’s a ‘staunch left-wing’ online publication dedicated to free speech & ‘the immense value of vigorous debates and open dialogues in shaping well-informed opinions.’
 
We’d encourage all those who enjoy alternative & non-conformist points of view to read the article below.  You can find the original here: https://labourheartlands.com/free-from-brussels-why-britains-working-class-must-forge-its-own-future/
 
It goes without saying that there are no links between the National Liberal Party, Paul Knaggs or Labour Heartlands. 
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REJOINING THE EU? NOT IF YOU CARE ABOUT BRITAIN’S WORKING CLASS

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THE EU WAS never built for workers. It was designed by bankers, for bankers, with a rulebook written in the language of capital. Those pushing for a return to Brussels’ embrace, whether through Starmer’s “reset” or eventual ‘rejoin’, have conveniently forgotten that the loudest and most principled opposition to the European project once came from the democratic socialist tradition. Brexit Was a Working-Class Revolt Against the EU’s Neoliberal Empire.
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THE WORKING CLASS VOTED OUT FOR A REASON

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It wasn’t xenophobia or nostalgia that drove Brexit. It wasn’t racist pensioners or backward northerners who delivered Brexit, despite what metropolitan liberals claim. It was lived experience. The towns and cities that bore the brunt of deindustrialisation, where steelworks shut, pits closed, and factories vanished, voted Leave. These weren’t mindless protest votes. They were a clear-eyed rejection of a system that had gutted their communities while enriching London and Brussels.
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For decades, the EU promised prosperity. What it delivered was stagnation, cheap labour undercutting wages, and a political class that told former engineers and miners to become coders or delivery drivers. These weren’t ignorant votes. They were calculated rejections of a system that had failed ordinary people for decades.
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These communities understood what too many Remainers still refuse to admit: the EU helped write the script for Britain’s managed decline.

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THE EU’S IRON CAGE OF NEOLIBERALISM

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EU Fiscal Policy Of Austerity
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Let’s be blunt: EU membership makes genuine socialist policy impossible. Its treaties and directives enshrine neoliberalism as constitutional law. Its core directives are designed to prevent exactly what Britain’s working class needs:
•  State aid rules make industrial revival through public ownership nearly impossible.

•  Competition law prevents governments from prioritising local and national businesses over multinationals

•  Fiscal rules like the Maastricht criteria force austerity, even in recession. Reducing public spending to 3% of GDP for government deficits and 60% of GDP for public debt. Set in the Stability and Growth Pact and enshrined in the EU Treaties

•  Free movement creates a race to the bottom for wages in many sectors, particularly the lower end

This isn’t theoretical. When French railway workers protested against privatisation, they were told EU rules required it. When Greece elected a left-wing government promising to end austerity, the EU crushed them. When Italy tried to rescue failing banks, EU state aid rules hampered them.

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The EU is neoliberalism carved into constitutional stone, designed specifically to be beyond the reach of democratic change. It isn’t a neutral platform. It’s a fortress of market orthodoxy, purpose-built to prevent the kind of democratic economic planning Britain now desperately needs.
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BRITAIN NEEDS INDUSTRIAL STRATEGY, NOT FREE TRADE

 
Nationalisation of the coal industry, January 1947
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After decades of allowing the market to decide everything, Britain’s industrial base has been hollowed out. Nine of the ten poorest regions in Northern Europe are in the UK, a damning indictment of both EU membership and domestic policy failure.
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What Britain needs isn’t Starmer’s craven crawl back to Brussels. It needs:
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1.  A sovereign industrial strategy that rebuilds manufacturing in former industrial heartlands
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2.  Public ownership of key utilities water, energy, and rail, without EU competition rules standing in the way

3.  Local and regional investment controlled by democratically accountable bodies, not distant EU commissioner

4.  Training and apprenticeships for British youth instead of importing skilled workers

5.  Immigration policies that serve national needs without undermining wages

6.  Migration policies that protect wages and integrate new arrivals fairly

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7.  Skills and training for British youth, not endless reliance on imported labour
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8.  Rebuilding manufacturing in the Midlands and North

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None of this is possible inside the EU’s institutional straitjacket. EU rules are designed to prioritise cross-border capital flows over workers’ interests. Rules that prevent member states from doing precisely what Britain must now do.
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Before Brexit became a culture war, the strongest EU critics came from the socialist Left. Tony Benn warned that the EU transferred power “from those you can elect to those you cannot remove.” Jeremy Corbyn voted against every EU treaty that came before Parliament. Peter Shore condemned the “bankers’ Europe” being built at democracy’s expense.
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BUILDING SOMETHING BETTER

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Leaving the EU wasn’t a leap into the unknown. It was a refusal to be ruled by a system that had already failed us.
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What comes next should not be isolationist, but independent. Not reactionary, but regenerative. Not protectionism, but strategic trade. Not xenophobia, but a migration system that serves the British working class rather than undermining it.
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Remaining outside the EU’s restrictive framework gives Britain the freedom to:
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•  New manufacturing hubs in our former industrial heartland
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•  A national investment strategy directed at levelling up beyond Westminster’s PR gimmicks

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•  Implement regional development without Brussels approval
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•  Protect strategic industries without violating competition law
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•  Design trade deals that benefit workers, not just corporations

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•  A second city built in the North to break the gravitational pull of London

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•  Energy, transport, and infrastructure projects that create real jobs and renew pride in place

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These ambitions are not just necessary, they’re now possible. But only outside the EU. We have the freedom to build an economy that works for the many, not the few, exactly what the establishment fears most.
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THE GREEN CASE FOR MADE IN BRITAIN

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Robber Barons Tariffs
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There’s another powerful reason to rebuild our manufacturing base: the planet cannot sustain the insanity of global supply chains that ship everyday items thousands of miles for marginal cost savings.
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The EU’s model of borderless trade isn’t just economically unsustainable, it’s environmentally catastrophic. Every plastic toy manufactured in Asia, every piece of furniture from Eastern Europe, every vegetable grown in Spain that could be grown here carries a carbon footprint that’s killing our future.
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Brexit gives us the opportunity to build a genuinely green industrial strategy:
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•  Localised production that slashes transport emissions and shipping pollution

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•  Shorter supply chains that reduce vulnerability to global disruptions

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•  Circular economy initiatives free from restrictive EU procurement rules
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•  Strategic manufacturing of essential goods like medical supplies, energy components, and food

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•  Regional specialisation based on local skills and resources rather than global race-to-the-bottom competition
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We cannot be a nation of shopkeepers if the nation doesn’t make the goods to sell. The EU’s borderless market has turned Britain into a consumption economy dependent on imports and financial services, neither of which provides secure, well-paid jobs for working-class communities.
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If Trump’s trade wars have taught us anything, it’s that a country needs not only to be sustainable but to sustain itself. Nations that cannot produce essential goods become subordinate to those that can. The globalist monster feeds on dependency, which is precisely what the EU’s model creates.
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True environmental sustainability cannot be achieved through consumer guilt trips and carbon offsets. It requires fundamental restructuring of how and where we produce the things we need. Making what we use, close to where we use it, isn’t just common sense, it’s the only path to genuine sustainability.
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BREXIT WAS JUST THE START:

THE CASE FOR A SOVEREIGN, SOCIALIST BRITAIN

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As Starmer schemes in Brussels, Britain’s working class faces a clear choice: accept a gradual return to EU subordination, complete with its job-destroying neoliberalism, or demand a truly independent economic strategy that puts British workers first.
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The EU offers nothing to the communities it already failed. It promises only more of the same: deindustrialisation dressed as progress, exploitation marketed as opportunity, and poverty rebranded as flexibility.
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What Britain needs isn’t more empty rhetoric about “levelling up” or powerless metro mayors with fancy titles but no real funding. We need genuine transformation: roads, railways, and digital infrastructure fit for the 21st century. We need investment in the North that goes beyond London politicians’ photo opportunities and actually rebuilds communities gutted by decades of neglect.
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This isn’t difficult, it just takes political will. Unfortunately, successive governments, Labour and Conservative alike, have found it impossible to think beyond the M25. Their vision extends only as far as the suburbs of the capital, while the rest of the country crumbles.
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Why not build a new second city in the heart of our former industrial heartlands? Why not create manufacturing hubs that produce the goods we use, here in Britain, by British workers earning decent wages? Why not establish regional investment banks that put local development over London profits?
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The EU’s rigid framework makes such ambition nearly impossible. Its state aid rules, competition law, and fiscal constraints are designed to prevent exactly this kind of transformative national investment. Breaking free from Brussels gives us the chance to rebuild Britain according to the needs of its people, not the demands of transnational capital.
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Britain’s workers deserve better than to be sacrificed on the altar of European integration once again. They need a government that fights for them, not for the approval of unelected bureaucrats in Brussels.
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The EU never worked for Britain’s working class. It’s time to build something that does.
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